استكشف المجموعة الواسعة من العناوين المتاحة.

In recent years and with the advancement of semantic technologies, shared and published online data have become necessary to improve research and development in all fields. While many datasets are publicly available in social and economic domains, most lack standardization. Unlike the medical field, where terms and concepts are well defined using controlled vocabulary and ontologies, social datasets are not. Experts such as the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START) collect data on global incidents and publish them in the Global Terrorism Database (GTD). Thus, the data are deficient in the technical modeling of its metadata. In this paper, we proposed GTD ontology (GTDOnto) to organize and model knowledge about global incidents, targets, perpetrators, weapons, and other related information. Based on the NeOn methodology, the goal is to build on the effort of START and present controlled vocabularies in a machine-readable format that is interoperable and can be reused to describe potential incidents in the future. The GTDOnto was implemented with the Web Ontology Language (OWL) using the Protégé editor and evaluated by answering competency questions, domain experts’ opinions, and running examples of GTDOnto for representing actual incidents. The GTDOnto can further be used to leverage the publishing of GTD as a knowledge graph that visualizes related incidents and build further applications to enrich its content.

COVID-19 has an inevitable burden on public health, potentially widening the gender gap in healthcare and the economy. We aimed to assess gender-based desparities during COVID-19 in Jordan in terms of health indices, mental well-being and economic burden. A nationally representative sample of 1300 participants ≥18 years living in Jordan were selected using stratified random sampling. Data were collected via telephone interviews in this cross-sectional study. Chi-square was used to test age and gender differences according to demographics, economic burden, and health indices (access to healthcare, health insurance, antenatal and reproductive services). A multivariable logistic regression analysis was used to estimate the beta-coefficient (β) and 95% confidence interval (CI) of factors correlated with mental well-being, assessed by patients' health questionnaire 4 (PHQ-4). 656 (50.5%) men and 644 (49.5%) women completed the interview. Three-fourths of the participants had health insurance during the COVID-19 crisis. There was no significant difference in healthcare coverage or access between women and men (p > 0.05). Half of pregnant women were unable to access antenatal care. Gender was a significant predictor of higher PHQ-4 scores (women vs. men: β: 0.88, 95% CI: 0.54-1.22). Among women, age ≥ 60 years and being married were associated with significantly lower PHQ-4 scores. Only 0.38% of the overall participants lost their jobs; however, 8.3% reported a reduced payment. More women (13.89%) were not paid during the crisis as compared with men (6.92%) (P = 0.01). Our results showed no gender differences in healthcare coverage or access during the COVID-19 crisis generally. Women in Jordan are experiencing worse outcomes in terms of mental well-being and economic burden. Policymakers should give priority to women's mental health and antenatal and reproductive services. Financial security should be addressed in all Jordanian COVID-19 national plans because the crisis appears widening the gender gap in the economy.

Academic scholarship regarding the role of political parties in the Arab world remains largely underdeveloped in comparison to analyses focusing on the role of political Islam or on authoritarian resilience. Although both of these fields of research contain useful paradigms for explaining aspects of the region's political development, this overemphasis means that there is a lack of meaningful analysis of political participation. This article seeks to analyze the role of political parties in the light of regional transition processes since the Arab uprisings, claiming that the region's political history and sociocultural makeup can help in explaining that much of the popular mobilization in the Arab world following the Arab revolutions took place outside of institutionalized politics. First, the article reviews and analyzes relevant theories of political parties. Second, the article presents a comparative analysis of existing theories and case studies of political parties being part of transition processes in Latin America and Eastern Europe. Taking this as starting point, the article, by looking at the Egyptian and Tunisian cases, demonstrates the limited role of political parties in connection with the regional transitory processes, with the ambition of presenting some relevant analytical tools as well as useful hints for further analyses of political transformation processes in the Middle East.

Il lavoro tratta della violenza politica fra gruppi e Stati (in particolare fra Al-Qaeda e Stati Uniti) in quanto processo di interazione strategica. Si conclude che ciascuna parte si propone di massimizzare la propria utilità sotto i vincoli della carenza di informazione e del grado di certezza. Oggetto di studio è un comportamento, noto come \"terrorismo\", del quale si devono spiegare origini, sviluppo e conclusione. Del terrorismo sono state date spiegazioni diverse, sulla base delle teorie della violenza politica e delle scelte razionali. Il lavoro espone un metodo unitario per individuare la dinamica dell'interazione fra giocatori, allo scopo di descrivere tale dinamica nonché le condizioni nelle quali essi scelgono se usare la violenza o raggiungere un accordo. Se si vuole individuarne gli aspetti essenziali, l'interazione fra Al-Qaeda e Stati Uniti deve essere inquadrata nello schema di un gioco che ha luogo in un contesto di incompletezza. La teoria dei giochi aiuta inoltre a chiarire fondamenti, cause e dinamica della contrapposizione fra Al-Qaeda e Stati Uniti ed evidenzia come la \"cultura islamica\" determini e ordini sia le preferenze di Al-Qaeda sia le risposte degli Stati Uniti.

The study of political violence, defined as the use of violent methods to achieve political ends by individuals, sub-national groups & states, has come to the forefront of scholarly inquiry since the cataclysm of 9/11/01. This study conceptualizes political violence between subgroups & states as a process of strategic interaction among players, whereby each side tries to maximize its utility within the constraints imposed by the amount of available information & the level of certainty. The analysis of such strategic behavior -- commonly described as terrorism & counter-terrorism -- is undertaken to explain why it occurs, how it develops & when it ceases. A variety of explanations have been offered for the incidence of interactive terrorism ranging from psychological & biological factors to ideological, ethnic & religious motivations. Although the foregoing explanations offer a wide variety of competing or complementary theories of political violence, rational choice analysis provides a unique method to trace the dynamics of interaction among the players & to identify the conditions under which the sides choose to use violence or to reach mutual accommodation. Specifically, game theory will be applied to this study to model Al-Qaeda violent behavior against the United States. Adapted from the source document.

I fattori culturali hanno da tempo modellato la politica estera quale è andata realizzandosi fra soggetti internazionali e hanno contribuito alla disciplina delle relazioni internazionali e della politica estera nel corso dei secoli: religione, ideologia e linguaggio, in quanto elementi di una cultura, influenzano pertanto le relazioni fra individui, gruppi e nazioni. Il peso dei fattori culturali nella politica ha tuttavia ricevuto scarsa attenzione da parte degli studiosi, e quindi le relazioni internazionali in quanto disciplina sono ancora alla ricerca di un'adeguata sistemazione teorica. Il lavoro si propone di esaminare l'influenza dei fattori culturali nella politica mondiale, approfondendo l'incidenza di religione, ideologia e linguaggio nella formazione della politica estera degli Stati Uniti dopo l'11 settembre. Viene in particolare proposta un'analisi teorica del ruolo della cultura nel modellare il comportamento umano, e quindi anche quello politico. La ragione che incoraggia ad approfondire il ruolo della cultura come una delle determinanti fondamentali della politica estera consiste nel fatto che essa spinge gli Stati a individuare e a perseguire l'interesse nazionale in modo efficace. È quindi indispensabile valutare le variabili culturali per migliorare e ampliare la nostra comprensione delle politiche statali, soprattutto di quella estera.

This article seeks to examine the role that cultural factors have in world politics. The author seeks to develop a theoretical understanding of the role of culture in shaping human behavior and, hence, political behavior in the wake of 9/11. Of particular interest is that the communication of U.S. foreign policy has undergone changes in terms of the choice of mass media approaches and strategic language. A discussion of theoretical and methodological frameworks for the study of post-9/11 international politics is provided.